The role of history in shaping the success of legalizing abortion in South Korea

South Korea is one of the few developed countries around the world that has criminalized abortion. On April 11^th 2019, South Korea’s Supreme Court ruled that the ban on abortion was unconstitutional and would be lifted (S. Kim, 2019). Women would no longer be facing prison or incur massive fines for getting an abortion (McCurry, 2019). This policy change was the result of the endless work done by activists and the changing sociocultural views on abortions and gendered biases. While the structures that upheld the criminalization of abortion in the past have not been eradicated overnight, the policy change is testimony that systems are gradually changing in South Korea. The policy change that lifted the abortion ban in South Korea shows how the contemporary reproductive movement has contributed to social change. The history of this policy is embedded in gender injustices and cultural conventions that mimic many other Asian countries. The long term effects of this policy change are yet to be seen as it is so recent. However, it will most likely result in safer abortions and potentially greater female independence within South Korea.

Women are disproportionately affected by the political situation around them and are often subjected to increased violence when there is political tension. These political constructions explain attempts to control women’s identities through structures of violence. This is also evident in the violence women face in Afghanistan and Pakistan during times of war where “gender biases are reinforced pervasive militarization” (D’costa, 2016). These structures of violence are emulated in the policies that criminalize abortion and put women’s lives at risk. Women’s bodies are put at risk by being forced to have illegal abortions because of the political systems in place. In these cases, the process of a having an illegal abortion is violent. In South Korean household’s men hold the political and legal privileges, whilst women are only deemed important for their reproductive abilities (Sung, 2012). These deeply ingrained practices of stigmatization can be seen as a contributing factor to the reason why South Korea has some of the highest number of abortions in the world (Sung, 2012). The female narrative within South Korean society is therefore defined by her status within the family. Another identifiable contribution to the historical background of the creation the criminalization of abortion in South Korea, is the aftermath of the war resulting in a need to increase in population size. Following the Korean war was the prohibition of abortions and tighter enforcement of this regulation (H. Kim, 2018), affirming that the South Korean governments push for population control could have been a direct influence to ban abortions. While the government in South Korea at the time opposed this new policy of lifting the ban on abortion, it was deemed unconstitutional by the Korean Supreme Court. This is because the socio-political change has been brought by the people and not the government.

It was because of activist groups such as ‘Joint Action’ that sought to abolish the criminalization of abortions, that this policy was changed. Their aim was to present to the courts that unsafe illegal abortions were taking place, and how it put many women at risk (S. Kim, 2019). These activist groups managed to bring about policy change by addressing that health and human rights were more important that the social structures that demonized women for having abortions. It is evident that the criminalization of abortion did not help to reduce abortion rates, as 168, 738 abortions took place in 2010, with only 6.4% of them being legal (H. Kim, 2018). The South Korean government pushing for stricter enforcement laws motivated activists to fight harder for the abortion ban to be lifted. Although the policy has now changed, the cultural conventions that exist around society’s perceptions about abortion still exist. While it is notable that there were activist groups and general populous consensus for lifting this ban, there are still many women in South Korea today who are stigmatized for being a woman who had an abortion. These gendered morality tales focus on what an individual is ‘doing wrong’, as opposed to looking at the structural conditions present (Mills, 2016). This suggests there is still the issue of women being subjected to shame for actions that are deemed ‘wrong’ by society.

The mere fact that this policy is now being adopted in South Korea represents structural shifts in society. This policy change suggests that more women are increasingly able to have their voice heard and their bodies respected. It is both a result of the success of feminist movements, and a reason for creating further structural shifts in South Korean society. My assessment of this policy is that it will bring greater freedom to women’s independence, and will address the structures of patriarchy and cultural conventions which demonize women for making their own choices about their bodies. This policy change can be comparable to the Bill of 2014 in India, that made it illegal for women to become surrogate mothers. Studies show that “potential harms to all parties involved can be avoided through government regulations, rather than illegalization” (Huber, 2017). Where in India the bill represents women’s choices not being respected because their bodies have become a politicised issue, the lift on the abortion ban in South Korea presents a progressive shift where a woman can be in control of her body. In Asian communities and political contexts, there have been many shifts of the politicization of the female body and it is refreshing to see that South Korea is leading the way in breaking down sociocultural conventions which are harmful to the livelihood of women. I hope that this policy change will bring about more social change and will deconstruct the traditional roles that females are expected fill in society.

Bibliography

D’Costa, Bina. “Gender Justice and (In)Security in Pakistan and Afghanistan.” Postcolonial Studies, vol. 19, no. 4, 2016, pp. 409–426., doi:10.1080/13688790.2016.1317391.

Huber, Sarah, et al. “Exploring Indian Surrogates’ Perceptions of the Ban on International Surrogacy.” Affilia, vol. 33, no. 1, 2017, pp. 69–84., doi:10.1177/0886109917729667.

Kim, Hyosin, and Hyun-A Bae. “A Critical Assessment of Abortion Law and Its Implementation in South Korea.” Asian Journal of Women’s Studies, vol. 24, no. 1, 2018, pp. 71–87., doi:10.1080/12259276.2018.1427534.

Kim, Sunhye, et al. “The Role of Reproductive Justice Movements in Challenging South Korea’s Abortion Ban.” Health and Human Rights, 2019.

McCurry, Justin. “South Korean Court Rules Abortion Ban Must Be Lifted.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 11 Apr. 2019, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/apr/11/south-korean-court-rules-abortion-ban-must-be-lifted.

Mills, Mary Beth. “Gendered Morality Tales: Discourses of Gender, Labour, and Value in Globalising Asia.” The Journal of Development Studies, vol. 53, no. 3, 2016, pp. 316–330., doi:10.1080/00220388.2016.1184251.

Sung, W. K. “Abortion in South Korea: The Law and the Reality.” International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family, vol. 26, no. 3, 2012, pp. 278–305., doi:10.1093/lawfam/ebs011.

The effects of the patriarchy and the political economy of Hallyu on beauty practices in South Korea

Korean skincare and make-up has become increasingly popular within Asia as of recent years. As Asia gains global influence, it is important to understand the unrealistic beauty standards that have been perpetuated within South Korea by social structures rooted in their historical and local narratives. Global sales of South Korean skincare products are set to reach $7.2 billion in 2020, validating the argument that the regimented beauty ideals are integrated so deeply in the culture that a beauty economy has been formed (Tai, 2018). The structures of patriarchy, colonialism, and gendered morality tales have collectively shaped the beauty standards in South Korea. This has led to the prominent medical tourism industry which exists today. These expectations that females are adhering to is creating the medical tourism which provides plastic surgery to an average of 100,000 medical tourists a year (Lee, 2012). The patriarchal models of reproductions, objectification of women and Confucian ideologies have all contributed to the unrealistic beauty standards that are set in South Korea. Another driver accelerating the unrealistic beauty standards in South Korea are pop culture sensations such as K-pop and K-drama. The causes and effects of South Korean beauty standards can be understood in the flow diagram diagram below. This helps to better illustrate the systemic sexism that is evident.

The core factors which has led to the production of unrealistic beauty standards in South Korea, mainly targeted at women, are the patriarchal power relations, effects of colonization and gendered morality tales. South Korean women are trapped in patriarchal power structures which force them to conform in order to maintain their intrinsic feminity. “The economic system of consumer capitalism combined with the patriarchal system that is instilling in today’s women creates the desire to transform themselves into beautiful women with perfect bodies” (S. Park, 2007). These socio-political structures create a space where women must adhere to certain standards in order to feel that they have control over their own bodies. There is also the homogenization of beauty occurring since what is considered beautiful is decided based upon the perspective of the male gaze. The effects of European colonization in Asia has left lasting effects that there are “racially-cased standards of beauty” such as having light skin and double eyelids (Le, 2014). This racist rhetoric has contributed to certain beauty standard systems in South Korean society that encourages double eyelid surgery in order to look ‘pretty’.  Gendered morality tales similarly help to provide an explanation as to how “feminine misbehaviour often reinforce and legitimize the gendered inequalities that sustain Asian engagements with global capitalist investment” (Mills, 2016). In this case the ‘misbehaviour’ being that a woman may not look ‘put together’ or ‘beautiful’. These socio-political structures propagate a society in which a woman’s feminity is based on a mans idea of what beauty is. The systems are deeply imbedded in historical narratives from times of colonization and promotions of traditional Asian family values.

These beauty standards have led to a successful medical tourism industry within South Korea, where getting plastic surgery after graduating high school is the norm for young women. This notion of the ‘medicalization of beauty’ has emerged where the promotion of beauty is in conjunction with health and medical services (Lee, 2012). The idea of the female form has been swallowed up by an industry that works to ‘fix’ and ‘improve’ women’s looks based on unrealistic standards of beauty. This cultural phenomenon has created double eye-lid surgery, DIY home facelifts and V-line masks to slim puffy cheeks, all in the effort to maintain social and professional success (Tai, 2018). The pressure for women in South Korea to maintain a certain ‘look’ in order to be taken seriously at the workplace only adds extra anxiety and stress. These surgeries and skin care routines are costly and create the idea that beauty is a skill to be learned and it is how you will be measured in society. This ‘medicalization of beauty’ sets parameters for which women must fit into and abide by rules grounded in sexist and racist stereotypes.

It is evident that there are economic forces that are continuing to fuel these beauty standards through Pan-Asian entrepreneurship and Hallyu (also known as the Korean wave). As cultural industries in South Korea look to expand, the transnational markets or popular culture are interdependent on the skin scare and medical tourism industry (Otmazgin, 2011). As long as there is a generalised beauty standard to adhere to, there will be consumers lining up to purchase the new creams, makeup and plastic surgeries. It is this geo politics of beauty that exists where these sociocultural structures are relied upon to create economic fluidity. “K-drama act as ‘technologies of subjectivity’ that proliferate neoliberal governmentalities that champion surgery as viable avenues for self-management and investment” (Lee, 2012). K-dramas and K-pop create a social mechanism in which there is an ideal standard of beauty to strive for. The government then deems these films, music, computer games as their cultural products to be used as cultural technology (Lee, 2012). This exemplifies the intertwining of economic, political and social structures within a system that is negatively affecting the consumer, in this case South Korean women. The government encourages the advertisement of a South Korean beauty standard through Hallyu because it is economically beneficial. One way in which the government can enforce these beauty standards is through soft power, using the countries pop culture to encourage a group identity which can effectively “reinforce racist and sexist stereotypes through biopolitical strategies of relying on sexual stereotypes” (Yang, 2014).

While these beauty standards hold heavy roots in South Korean society there are many feminist movements which are aiming to defy this social construction. The movement ‘take off the corset’ has seen women reject makeup entirely and represents a “movement to challenge sexual objectification but also change the status of women as subordinate to men” (Haas, 2018). There is a growing movement of women in South Korea who are looking to abandon the unrealistic standards of beauty. After many complaints and requests, the government announced that it would phase out plastic surgery ads in subway stations by 2022 (Tai, 2018). It is evident that the structures of patriarchy are being challenged, and that South Korean women are finding their independence and control over their own bodies by choosing not to adhere to generalised beauty standards. It is becoming apparent that the previously revered Confucian ideology that restricted women’s ‘value’ to their female characteristics is changing as women realise their worth beyond their appearance (S. Park, 2007).

The structures surrounding the unrealistic beauty standards in South Korea are changing with strong feminist movements revealing women who are taking back control of their own bodies. However, with a deep rooted social political framework consisting of existing patriarchal systems and a colonialized history, there is still much more that needs to be done to address the commodification of women’s appearance. “To reorient sociospatial policy toward a human-centred approach, decision making should be centred in civil society of community” (B. Park, 2012). As the economic development of Hallyu continues to extend the South Korean beauty ideals throughout Asia, more policies need to be in effect to mitigate the damaging effects of a culture that surrounds generalised beauty ideals.

Bibliography

Haas, Benjamin. “’Escape the Corset’: South Korean Women Rebel against Strict Beauty Standards.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 26 Oct. 2018, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/26/escape-the-corset-south-korean-women-rebel-against-strict-beauty-standards.

Lee, Sharon Heijin. “The (Geo)Politics of Beauty: Race, Transnationalism, and Neoliberalism in South Korean Beauty Culture.” The (Geo)Politics of Beauty: Race, Transnationalism, and Neoliberalism in South Korean Beauty Culture, 2012.

Mills, Mary Beth. “Gendered Morality Tales: Discourses of Gender, Labour, and Value in Globalising Asia.” The Journal of Development Studies, vol. 53, no. 3, 2016, pp. 316–330., doi:10.1080/00220388.2016.1184251.

Otmazgin, Nissim Kadosh. “Commodifying Asian-Ness: Entrepreneurship and the Making of East Asian Popular Culture.” Media, Culture & Society, vol. 33, no. 2, 2011, pp. 259–274., doi:10.1177/0163443710393386.

Pages, The Society. “The Homogenization of Asian Beauty – The Society Pages.” The Society Pages The Homogenization of Asian Beauty Comments, 2014, thesocietypages.org/papers/homoegenization-of-asian-beauty/.

Park, Bae-Gyoon, et al. “Index.” Locating Neoliberalism in East Asia: Neoliberalizing Spaces in Developmental States, 2012, pp. 303–321., doi:10.1002/9781444346657.index.

Park, Sang Un. “‘Beauty Will Save You’: The Myth and Ritual of Dieting in Korean Society.” Korea Journal, vol. 47, no. 2, 2007, pp. 41–70., doi:10.25024/kj.2007.47.2.41.

Tai, Crystal. “The Korean Beauty Industry: Ugly Face of a National Obsession.” South China Morning Post, 20 July 2018, http://www.scmp.com/lifestyle/fashion-luxury/article/2125286/k-beauty-ugly-face-south-koreas-obsession-women-looking.

Yang, Jie. “The Political Economy of Affect and Emotion in East Asia.” The Political Economy of Affect and Emotion in East Asia, 2014, doi:10.4324/9781315885391.

Video Project: Source Research No.2

Source Reference: Dubois, Laurent. “Why Haiti Should Be at the Centre of the Age of Revolution – Laurent Dubois: Aeon Essays.” Aeon, Aeon, 12 Nov. 2019, aeon.co/essays/why-haiti-should-be-at-the-centre-of-the-age-of-revolution.

While discussing the Independence of Haiti it is of great significance to note that it was one of the first slave led rebellions in a revolution that would gain them their Independence and freedom from colonial rule. The primary source that I have chosen to use as research for our video project highlights the importance of the interweaving of the slavery narrative within Haiti’s history.

While discussing the history and the independence narrative that Haiti experienced in their fight for independence we will highlight the fight for freedom and how it was not simply a fight to overthrow colonial rule but also to overthrow the slave owners who were the predominant rulers in Haiti at the time. Since 80% of Haiti’s population were slaves it is evident that a large group of society was treated unfairly which consequently brought about the first complete social revolution in modern history where slaves became the masters of their future within a free state.

While colonialist began to negotiate with slaves for increased rights, the rebels, led first by touissant Louverture, understood that without land ownership, they could not stop fighting. In destroying the institution of slavery, they were also able to free themselves from the cuffs of colonial rule. This story of Haiti is powerful because it was one of the first Latin American Countries to gain Independence. While all Latin American countries gained Independence separately and in different ways, we are choosing to focus on Haiti as one of the four countries we are looking at, primarily because it was the pioneer country to fight for freedom and independence.

We will explain out reasons for choosing Haiti, Argentina, Mexico, and Brazil in our video to emphasise the importance that all Latin American countries had their own stories of independence but the narratives may overlap and intertwine. Since all of the Latin American countries were breaking free from colonial rule they are similar in that sense but all the little intricacies are completely separate and different from each other.

Week 13: The Common Thread

For this week I looked at two articles which were both featured on the Guardian news page. One article is explaining a common thread in the protests that have recently been occurring in countries within Latin America. The second article is discussing the anti abortion laws within Latin America. I chose to look at these two news articles because they both focus on many countries within Latin America and acknowledge that while each country has different problems there is a common theme of social unrest which is taking place.

The first article called, ‘An explosion of protest, a howl of rage – but not a Latin American spring, is referring to how the social revolution that is taking place does not mimic that of the Arab spring primarily because there is no one who is in place to overthrow the current government and take power. The article explains the violent protests taking place on the streets of Chile, Bolivia and Haiti and how people are frustrated and fed up of being ignored by their governments. The wealth inequality was already apparent in countries like Chile and then the metro fare was increased by a further 3% leaving the majority of the country to feel undercut by the government. With a wealthy country like Chile, the majority of the people should not living in dire poverty. There is the idea that people in those Latin American countries see no improvement in social welfare, wealth inequality or the possibility of wages increases. The idea of hope is lost on governments who do not put their people first but instead pump money into the already wealthy.

The second article which I was reading focused on the abortion laws in Latin American countries. I found this topic to be very interesting seeing as the rights for women were consistently ignored throughout Latin American history and this is just another example of that. The conservative idea of ‘Pro Life’ affects the 6.5 million abortions that take place across Latin America each year. With almost three quarters of these abortions being carried out in a way that puts the woman’s life at risk people are outraged at the laws the governments have put in place. Activists are trying to focus on Latin American countries that are already powerful on the global scale such as Brazil and Argentina, in order to change laws which can then trickle down into other nations. These protests for Pro Choice are sending a message to the government that the people want to be taken care of and want to be heard.

The First Article: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/oct/24/latin-american-spring-protests-chile-ecuador-bolivia-haiti

The Second Article: https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/aug/09/latin-america-fight-to-legalise-abortion-argentina-brazil-chile-venezuela-uruguay-colombia-el-salvador-peru

Week 12: Where do we go now?

I found this weeks readings very emotional and it was hard to read about the atrocities that went on in Latin America during the late 20th century and the early 21st century. It was also very moving to read about the Madres de la plaza de Mayo in particular. For a group of mothers who on the most part were not particularly politically active to make such a stand against a government who bullies the weak and preys on the vulnerable, it showed a great deal of bravery and strength that people can have in trying to address a national issue. The mothers who were openly defying the regime’s ban on political organising actually made themselves into political targets. I could not believe that they were being murdered by the government in order to maintain a certain peaceful image in the global standing. It makes me sad to think that the cries of desperation are being suffocated by the hand of the powerful and greedy.

The broken political system that existed (or arguably still exists) in Latin America led to the creation of it becoming one of the most important global players in the trade in illicit drugs. Since there was seemingly no protection from the corrupt or oppressed police forces, drug cartels were able to gain power and create money flow for people who had none. This violent cycle is still consistently being perpetuated today from the shadows of colonialism which bleeds into the people’s of Latin America. There was mass violence after the arrival of Columbus, and with a disrupted culture of people there seems to be no hope for peace in a violent structure that cycles round and round claiming more victims as it goes. People felt abandoned by the state and by the police.

As Dawson explained in the reading, extreme localism can be risky. With each nation finding no uncorrupt strong government to deliver the people what they deserved people found ways to create their own systems and their own barriers from dangers. I found that reading about the Madres made me hopeful that there could be a possibility for a more peaceful future. This reading left me feeling very emotional that the political situation is so poisoned by the colonial structures that were put in place and that the violence ensues for so many innocent people.

Video Project : Research Source no.1

Source reference: Bethell, L. (Ed.). (1993). Argentina since Independence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511609480

Our Video Project will be focusing on Week 4: Independence Narrative, Past and Present. One of the primary sources we will use focuses on the Independence of Argentina from colonial rule. The source is called ‘Argentina since Independence’ and was written by Leslie Bethel, a professor of Latin American History at the University of London. The journal provides the social, political and economical history of Argentina since Independence.

I will be using this primary source to explain the economic boom in a post colonial Argentina. The economy of Buenos Aires emerged from its colonial past not as a primary producer by as a hub in which other countries could import and export products through. The colonial power that was taken out of place was simply replaced by the British who filled roles previously held by the spaniards.

The Journal also identifies an important figure in the Argentinian war of Independence, José de San Martín. Martín is considered a national hero in both Argentina and Peru and was monumental in fighting for Argentinas freedom and Independence.

Two important dates are the 25th of May 1810 and the 9th of July 1816. The “First Assembly” on May 25th, 1810 during the “May Revolution” concluded the final eviction of Spain and the independence of the United provinces of South America were proclaimed on July 9, 1816 after The Congress of Tucumán.

The journal displays the significance of the land in Argentina and how even though there was Independence, the people of Argentina were not the ones able to profit but it was instead still foreign elites who maintained land ownership power. While the Argentinian economy flourished, the people were exposed to higher living costs and more land being taken from them.

There were many political systems that took place during the time of Independence. Centralism was practiced by one of the chiefs of the provinces, Caudillo Rosas in 1829 all the way until 1852. In 1853 Santa Fe Congress made a liberal and federal constitution.

We will use these sources to explain the historic events of Argentina’s Independence while focusing on the perspectives of the particular narratives at play. There are many stories and lenses when looking at the history of Independence and the issues still occurring even with an Independent government.

Week 11: The Violent Pursuit for Freedom

Throughout the history of Latin America, violence played a major role in the movements of political and social change. During the mid to late 1900s terror ensued in countries all over Latin America while people were trying to fight for a better life. By the 1986 in Latina America, almost no government had come into power through the ballot box. Crony Capitalism and Clientelism were taking a hold of the political systems that existed. There was expanding debt, borrowing money and bad investments. There was the the idea that “The enemy was corrupt, impure and foreign” and this dehumanisation turned to genocide. There were young pregnant women in Argentina who were captured and held until they gave birth, the babies then given to people with ties to the regime. Innocent people were getting caught in the crossfire and there was a clear struggle between the Marxist left and the free-market right.

All of the violent events that took place towards the end of the 1900s was still the people’s of Latin Americas pursuit for peace and freedom. To fight a violent suffocating regime creates a helplessness and powerlessness that often results to violence. It can be argued that the only thing stopping people from wanting to support a socialist revolution and to side withe the military in an authoritarian and corrupt regime is FEAR. The innocent peasants in Peru who were subjugated to much violence by the Senderos were also not free of suffering when under the rule of Fernando Belaúnde Terry. It is important to note that again it is the marginalised and vulnerable groups of society that were under siege from the corrupt government and even the groups of revolutionaries. Peasants were only treated as political tools and were not afforded the same rights as those living in urban areas. Feminists in particular were targets; María Elena Moyano who was gunned down and blown up in 1992 in front of her children because she was a community activist.

The terror that occurred in the short but recent years reflect a profoundly sad era in a time where people tried to overthrow and overturn governments, only to then inflict the same violence and suffering on to the people. The violence that took place showed the consequences of greed. It showed how the power that corrupt authoritarian regimes have, can destroy the social systems by creating a divide between the people and creating the catalyst for violent revolutions.

Week 10a: The Competing Narratives

I found this weeks readings extremely interesting! It felt as though there was a whole completely other way of governing a post colonial state. The Revolution which began around 1959 in Cuba with political actors such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara leading the way, was the start of a new age. The Revolution is supposedly a revolution that does not end. To remain loyal to the systems which exist even today in Cuba is to believe in the Revolution and to constantly play your role in the society.

There are many competing narratives about the Cuban Revolution. As the readings portrayed, ” Che was a model for the best kinds of youthful idealisation and rebellion. Che was an independent ideologue who led a generation of naive youths to their deaths”. These conflicting statements about a significant person who helped bring about the Cuban Revolution just show how there is no black or white way to analyse the Revolution, it cannot be broken down into a simple calculable understanding. That is why it is important to look at many differing perspectives in order to best understand the stories in the context of history. When comparing the readings of Che Guevara and Yaoni Sánchez’s blog it is interesting to note the different lenses in which we can attempt to understand Cuba and the never ending revolution.

It is interesting learning about the socialist movement that took place in Cuba because this was something that was not seen around other Latin American countries at the time. There were periods where things improved for the people of Cuba. Wages increased, rent decreased and transportation costs went down.

However with the Cuban Revolution and the rise of Fidel Castro millions of women were driven out of work and the patriarchy was held strong under a heterosexual masculine figure who advocated the persecution of homosexuals up until the 1990s. This being said by the end of the 1960s women in Cuba were more able to “Pursue a career, get a divorce, and to make their own reproductive decisions that women anywhere else in Latin America”.

There is so much more to say and I found that looking at an example of a specific country within Latin America to be super informative and riveting to read about. The example of Cuba goes to show that ignoring the systems of liberalism in a post colonial nation proved to be successful. In the case of Cuba, Fidel Castro brought the people back to the roots of the land and was able to separate themselves from the toxic capitalist state of North America. This push for independence from the chokeholds of colonialist systems is proof that other ways of governing can be successful although it can be a tiring and taxing process to get there.

Week 10: Echoes of a Nation

Throughout the earlier political history of Latin America and more specifically Argentina, the power had been dictated by the few rather than the many. There was power held by the colonisers, the elites, and the governing bodies. With the rise of media being used to spread political messages across the nation, the ‘power’ was being brought back to the hands of the people. Through the transcribes of Eva Perón’s speech, the significance of the power of the masses with the amplification of their echoes created from the platform of the radio and other forms of media is evident.

While reading through the speeches from this week it is obvious that Eva Perón cares deeply about Argentina and the people that work tirelessly contributing to society through their hard work. She was a major advocate for the working class and proved tirelessly through her words and her actions that she truly wanted what was best for the people. This must have been evident at the time, as the people chanted for their desire for “Evita!!” to take her post and position of power. As stated in one of the videos, ” Perón redefined the relationship between power and people.” By the end of Evita’s speech she states, “…bringing the hopes of the people before the presidents and that the people affectionately called this woman “Evita”. That is who I want to be”. The power of the people during her speech were able to turn hopes and wants into a reality in a matter of hours. The people had spoken and their desires were being met by the power source itself.

It is also very interesting to finally see a woman in a great position of power. Where Latin America had been ruled for so long under the heavy burden of the male colonialist power and male elitists, it was only fitting that the people of Argentina were yelling in the stand demanding a woman who they saw fit to hold the mighty power to run their country. This perhaps is significant also because it is moving further and further away from the old colonialist rule and trying to heal from the trauma of the past.

In this case the nation echoed loud and clear who they wanted to take the seat of power. In this case in Argentina, the people became the power force and the leader of the nation was elected through their loud cries, “Evita! Evita!”.

Week 8: Belonging to nowhere

This weeks readings shed more light on another perspective of the development of Latin America in the early 1900s. It is interesting to read from the perspective of the people from Latin America in literary forms that exist outside the sphere of the elites. It is refreshing to try to understand history from perspectives that tell narratives that feel honest and genuine.

It is apparent that even after leaders such as Porfirio Díaz were taken out of power, new political structures were not able to afford the peoples of Latin America the freedom they longed for and deserved. As Dawson stated in the readings, “Mexico’s revolution was in facet several revolutions”. This prolonged civil unrest only seemed to amplify violence instead of resulting in peace. The dysfunctional pattern that formed; with Francicso I. Madero overthrowing Díaz only to then do the same horrible things and get thrown out of power himself. With the Plan de Ayala stating the new promises that the people of the revolution starting again in Mexico wanted in the renewed age of power.

The Gilded Age that existed during that time in Latin America is only another consequence of colonialism in which the colonisers “brought no superior substitutes” as Jose Carlos Mariategui said. His point only further exaggerates the issue that was at play during the multiple Mexican Revolutions. The people from Rural Areas were successful in starting their revolution in 1914, however lost all traction when they were not able to stay in the cities and stay in power. The lasting effects of a post colonial nation where the people revolting for new political structures ended up going back to their rural areas because the cities were not built for them to live in. The cities were built for the ‘city folk’ and the elites. This is just like Dawson says, “Mexico City was a profoundly segregated place, where class, culture, and ethnicity produced impermeable boundaries, boundaries that everyone understood and no one transgressed”.

The sense of belonging to nowhere is apparent in Latin America during the time of the 1990s, especially when following the events of the Mexican Revolution(s). There seems to be the notion that even the people engaging in the revolution are not a part of the new structures of society. I found it quite sad to read about the people of the rural areas just heading back to the countryside because they did not feel welcome in the cities even though they were able to start a revolution. The colonisers and the elites have created a socio-political structure that make it impossible for anyone else in society to belong in any sense.